Divorce in Iran: A Subtle Revolution

William Yong published a fascinating piece this week in The New York Times about the skyrocketing divorce rate in Iran, and the cultural changes this statistic reveals. The divorce rate there has tripled in the past 10 years: while 50,000 divorces were performed in 2000, close to 150,000 occurred in 2010. Yong attributes the rise to a decreasing willingness of women to stay in bad marriages. As more have attended university, more possess the capabilities to support themselves—giving them the economic freedom to leave. Changes in opinion have also made divorce less of a taboo than it was thirty years ago. Yong rightly labels these changes a sign of progress.

I find the story compelling on a number of levels. First of all, it is of personal interest to me: My mother is Iranian and spent the first ten years of her life there. I grew up hearing about the oppression of Persian women, and how much worse the situation had grown since the regime took hold. I am encouraged to hear that, despite the fierce oppression, women there have made some gains.

The story also sheds light on the power of women’s movements—and the limited control of even the most oppressive government. In Iran, acts of rebellion can result in acid thrown in women’s faces, stoning, or worse. Nonetheless, women resist the status quo. To achieve greater freedom, they are working within the system, taking advantage of the laws and traditions already in place. Normally men can attain a divorce at any time, but women must establish sufficient grounds—a difficult task. However, by foregoing their “mehrieh,” a type of marriage insurance paid by husbands to their wives, many women have convinced their husbands to end the marriage. Yong notes that this payment can costs tens of thousands of dollars, a strong financial incentive for some men.

While Iranian authorities show deep concern about the increase, they have so far been able to do little about it. While they discourage divorce, women are acting within the law, which makes outright intervention more difficult. Ultimately, this movement shows the limits of oppression—a concept rarely noted in Iranian politics. It also demonstrates the extent to which many Iranians disagree with the government, and in fact, may hold vastly different belief systems. While this is hardly new information, the West sometimes seems to overlook this fact, particularly in the media.

It is difficult to say where this trend will lead. Will increased concern over divorce lead to greater crackdowns or a tightening of laws? Or could this movement foreshadow some improvements for women there? Past signs, like the riots of 2009, have often given false hope in promising change. Nonetheless, when we think about our own women’s movement, we must acknowledge that it saw many highs and lows. The same might hold true in Iran, although in many ways they face much tougher opposition.

This, however, should serve as an inspiration for our own projects. These women have wrested some freedoms from one of the most restrictive and undemocratic governments in the world. While in comparison, our issues might seem less significant, we should take them as what they are: important to us and our well-being. Similarly, we should apply the same commitment they show in fighting for our beliefs. When held to their standard, we have no excuses for surrendering our own causes, even in the face of frequent disappointment.

Note: Marjane Satrapi explores many of these themes in her marvelous graphic novel Persepolis, published in 2004 and 2005, which was also released as a film in 2007. If you haven’t read or seen it, I highly recommend it.